Sample
Low Literacy Levels as an Issue of Global Policy
Introduction
Perhaps one way of showing the relative importance of literacy levels in terms of development and the focus of International Organisations lies in its inclusion as one of the eight Millennium Development Goals, specifically Goal 2, which was set as ensuring by 2015 that “children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling” (United Nations 2010, p. 16). Another is to note the inclusion of education in two components which comprise one of the three measures for the Human Development Index produced annually by the United Nations. In these terms, education and therefore literacy stand alongside life expectancy and real income as the measure of relative development in each nation. The two components are the mean number of years of schooling received, measured at the age of 25 and the expected number of years of schooling is measured by the numbers of enrolments at each relevant age up to 18 (UN Human Development Reports 2011).
Literacy
However, if the levels of literacy within a population are considered to be key areas in terms of human and national development, it is important to discuss the reasons for this being generally accepted as so, as well as the relativity of their importance. The UNESCO Institute for Education (1997, p. 4) suggests that literacy per se can fail as a developmental ambition if it is abstracted from “social contexts and cultural practices” because social development effectively means the enabling of people to develop the means to “take upon themselves the direction of their own development.” Thus, in a wider and human resource context, social and human development is closely intertwined; however, this relevant notion suggests that literacy should be approached in a wider, social, context rather than as just an ability to read and write. In other words, one of the most important aspects of literacy is that it is “embedded in social practice and has social meanings” (UNESCO Institute for Education 1997, p. 4), which promotes a notion that literacy means an analysis of the literacy “competencies” required in a specific society. In sum, if development is to be seen as a primarily generic process, then literacy is the key factor that enables societies and thus nations to understand the processes that will lead to their, by definition, unique path of progress; therefore “only by approaching literacy in this manner can adult literacy be seen as integral to the development process” (UNESCO Institute for Education 1997, p. 4).
Gender
In a similar sense, it can be argued that in terms of gender, literacy should be seen as more than a ‘numbers’ game and UNFPA (2004) make a series of salient points. For example, in terms of social development, the need to educate girls and women should take the highest priority. This is because of “ripple” effects across families and even across generations. When we consider familial influence in most developing nations, whilst it is of greatest advantage if both parents are educated, it is the mother who usually has the greatest say in household negotiations and therefore may be more likely to negotiate (and afford) better resources for her children if she has an education. But it has even more fundamental implications because a literate and educated mother is likely to have less children, is less likely to have unintended pregnancies, and is more likely to participate in the workforce. This implies better schooling for the fewer children, not having to choose which child goes to school and which does not (often the boys are the chosen ones), and fundamentally understanding the benefits that accrue from being educated, thus giving a cultural importance to literacy which can be passed through generations. Indeed, Chhetri and Baker (2006, p. 2) make the point that one lingering issue with some indigenous populations, for example aboriginal people in Australia, is that education is traditionally seen as less culturally important, and this has become one of the difficult cycles to break in efforts to improve such groups to the educational and literacy levels of the wider population.
If we dwell on the issue of literacy and fertility, the fact of a connection between the two has been established in a number of works. For example, an empirical study from as long ago as 1990 in India showed that there is a direct connection between improvements in female literacy and reduced fertility. Indeed the study, which covered 90 per cent of the population of India, also found that in the high literacy districts, a “greater proportion of children survived infancy” (Asia-Pacific Population and Policy 1990, p. 1). However, this brings us back to the question, namely how literacy should be measured? Is it, for example, accurate to take a rather traditionalist view where it is the mere ability to read and write, and if this is so, can we separate such ‘literates’ from ‘illiterates’ and credit the former with greater cognitive abilities and thought processes while assigning the latter group with no such skills?
Measuring Literacy
Chhetri and Baker (2006), amongst a host of other writers, challenge such notions and make the point that if literacy is extended in its understanding beyond, say, the three ‘R’s, then it takes on a different meaning and includes “the ability to perform literate tasks, so then it takes on a much more productive function such as the ability to augment an individual’s social life and livelihood by emphasizing more pragmatic
skills” (Chhetri and Baker 2006, p. 3). Taken to its logical parameters, such an approach will include the oral traditions of social practices which have previously been rejected and brings us to an idea of “multiple literacy’s” (Chhetri and Baker 2006, p. 3). But this then begs the question of what is the issue or problem if such traditions enable critical thought and cognitive processes? The answer lies in a combination of factors which include the points that such social skills need to be aligned to the modern world if greater progress is to be made, that many people and groups are disadvantaged by “political and social marginalisation,” and that illiteracy carries particular difficulties for those that are disadvantaged. It can be seen as a process of enablement by providing schooling for groups who have, for whatever reason, been unable to get access to education. Thus, it can become a multi-pronged approach which on the one hand acknowledges social contact and oral literacy but also accepts the disadvantages associated with not broadening the understandings gained therein to a wider context. It proposes ‘multiple literacies’ as a means of empowerment for groups that are deliberately marginalised, and sees such disadvantage as deliberate acts designed to keep the present status quo within some developing countries (Chhetri and Baker 2006, p. 3).
Policy Drivers
A discussion on the extent to which low levels of literacy can be seen as a ‘problem without a passport’ first requires some understanding of the meaning of this phrase. USC Dornsife (2012) suggests a meaning by noting that “most, if not all, of the societal problems or challenges we face are transnational or global in nature. These problems like global climate change, pandemics or the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are global challenges that do not belong to a single country. These are ‘problems without passports.’" If we accept this, then the extent to which low literacy levels is such a problem depends upon the extent to which there is a transnational desire to resolve the issue. But there are associated issues which make it a problem that is dependent upon the world in which we live. If we, for example, briefly recall a few theories of international relations, then we can note that realists believe in a world which is driven by the self-interest of nations and that the only really important issue is power. The combination of self-interest and power means that the stronger countries will only be interested in themselves, their citizens, and the maintenance of ‘great power’ status (Jackson and Sorenson 2010, p. 36). Similarly, if we consider International Political Theory (IPE), then we will have an understanding which fundamentally suggests that developed capitalist nations deliberately keep under-developed nations poor by purchasing raw materials from them at very low prices and selling finished products at extremely high prices. Thus, it is their interests to keep poor nations poor (Jackson and Sorenson 2010, p. 50). On the other hand, we can note liberal approaches and theories which place less emphasis on nation states and more on a responsibility to promote the well-being and development of poorer nations (Jackson and Sorenson 2010, p. 32).
Fundamentally, if we see truths in our world which suggest that either realism or IPE predominate, then we should accept that international organisations are either used by powerful nations to promote their own self-interested goals or, at best, are unimportant asides which make a pretence of actual development and actual assistance. On the other hand, if we see a predominantly liberal world, then we see international organisations as being independent and existing for the good of all humanity.
If we extend this to economic liberalism, we can see globalisation in at least two different lights. On the one hand, it may be implicit of a world which is segmented into areas of specialisation where some areas retain most of the value of a product and specialise in high value-added, and those where basic items are manufactured and where it is in the interests of the richer group of nations to utilise the necessarily cheap labour in these areas. We can, between these extremes, further identify a group of nations where some value-added and some higher value technology and manufacturing is produced, for example under a phrase such as ‘emerging economies.’ If this is the case, and if we accept that greater literacy will lead to greater educational opportunities and thus enhanced human capital, then improved literacy actually poses a threat to one critical competitive advantage which advanced nations have – the quality of their human capital.
On the other hand, if we view globalisation as a process of true world development and political as well as economic liberalisation and emancipation, then we do have a ‘problem without a passport,’ and arguably one which, if it could be satisfactorily resolved, potentially holds the key to real and self-generated development and ultimately the convergence of developing nations with those which are developed.
Interim Summary
Thus far, this essay has considered and discussed some of the main international organisations that are involved in dealing with low levels of literacy. We have also noted the importance given to the issue in terms of international goals and covenants, for example by inclusion in the Millenium Development Goals and Human Development indices as well as noted literature which attempts to address the issue away from the traditional notions of a ‘3 R’s’ approach and seen that the importance of oral and social contact and context are important areas of relevant literacy. With regard to the issue being one of a ‘problem without a passport,’ and within the definition given by USC Dornsife (2012), we discussed the possibility that it is the extent to which we live in a predominantly liberal, realist or IPE-influenced world which truly determines this. This determination of perceived importance will further determine policy agendas, policy implications and who (for example the governments of nation states and/or international organisations) will drive the extent and depth of the determination for change. These interim summary points lead us to the final section of the essay, which is a case study of one country.
Case Study
There is on region in the world which has not only been an area of consistent conflict and suffering, but also one which has consistently ‘lagged’ behind others in terms of development and growth. This is, of course, sub-Saharan Africa, and most of the 47 nations in it feature within the lower bands of the Human Development Index (2012). Indeed, a glance at the table produced by the United Nations shows, for example, that all of the last eight ranked nations (180 – 187 inclusive) are from that region (Human Development Index, Table 1 2012). One nation which draws our attention is Sierra Leone partly because it has great potential as a trading nation inasmuch as it on the one hand has a large deep sea port and on the other is rich in minerals and precious metals (African Minerals Annual Report 2007). Although it “emerged from a decade of civil war in 2002” (BBC News Africa 2011), there has been some economic recovery, albeit at a slow pace, and “around half of government revenue comes from donors” (BBC News Africa 2011). Therefore, it presents a credible nation in which to conduct a brief case study/survey to attempt to establish the nature and types of literacy programmes instituted by international organisations and external governments as well as their perceived effectiveness.
Although not the lowest statistics for any nation, the figures of 2.9 years of average schooling and 7.2 for expected schooling are a stark reminder of the problems facing countries such as Sierra Leone (Human Development Index, Table 1 2012). UNESCO (2008) emphasise the extent of the problems with regard to literacy in Sierra Leone by pointing out that the 2004 census showed that 40 per cent of Sierra Leoneans between the ages of 6 and 29 years had never attended a school, nor received any other type of formal education. However, a number of ‘milestones’ are noted in the post-conflict era, particularly the declaration of free primary education, the “establishment by Act of Parliament of the National Council for Technical, Vocational and other Academic Awards (NCTVA),” the establishment of regional polytechnics which were aimed at diversifying and extending vocational careers, the reform of higher education and, perhaps most significantly, the Education Act of 2004 “leveraged adult and non-formal education to a position of official and legal prominence” (UNESCO 2008, p. 4). This opened the door for wider non-formal education and encouraged non-governmental organisations to widen the adult and other education programmes across the country. These can be summed under five broad headings, namely adult literacy, vocational skills training, non-formal primary education, adult literacy and vocational skills training and adult literacy and non-formal primary education (UNESCO 2008, p. 5).
Interestingly, some of the above programmes were initiated during the conflict period and then extended after the war. UNESCO (2008) identifies three key sponsors and thus international ‘players’ in terms of working to enhance literacy in Sierra Leone, namely the Islamic Development Bank, the UNESCO Regional Bureau for Education in Africa and the German Technical Cooperation Organisation. With specific regard to the UNESCO-sponsored project, which is based in vocational literacy, there is a modular approach including Numeracy, Gender as well as Vocational Skills. The project further involved the recruitment of 250 teachers, initially 2,500 learners and 30 community training centres (UNESCO 2008, p. 9).
The extent to which there is a focus on adult vocational training and literacy generally is one interesting aspect of the efforts being made in Sierra Leone. One organisation involved in this area is the Sierra Leone Adult Education Association, which was founded as long ago as 1978. This may be seen as an initiative coming from within the country and this organisation is non-governmental and based in community volunteers. It states its mission and raison as being to “improve the lives of adults and their families, communities and society through functional adult education. SLADEA and its partners are pioneers in paving the way for the development of suitable programmes in the area of adult education” (SLADEA – Homepage). It states itself as being “deep-rooted” in the communities and that “volunteerism is the lifeblood of our work.” The volunteers are from all parts of the community and aim to assist people with the skills necessary to lift themselves out of poverty.
The issue of male prioritisation in terms of deciding which children will and will not attend school has been a common practice amongst parents in Sierra Leone (Pessima et al 2009, p. 7). For these and the reasons noted above (see pages 2 – 3), the Government as well as NGO’s have made efforts not only to provide information regarding the importance of female school attendance, but have also introduced incentives such as free books, uniforms and the possibility of continuing for free to junior secondary levels 1 and 2. Pessima et al (2009, p. 7) suggest that these efforts, along with the particular targeting of girls in “hard to reach areas” has increased attendance, although girls are still lagging boys.
Conclusions
It has been noted that the extent to which the issue of low levels of literacy is a ‘problem without a passport’ is dependent on the true drivers of global and international policies and organisations. One similar way of viewing it is in terms of public goods. A public good is one which is necessarily provided by individual governments through taxation because it is of benefit to the whole society, including business, but is unlikely to be provided, or at least adequately provided, by private companies (McConnell and Brue 2008). However, trends in education cast some doubts as to the extent to which learning per se should be treated in such terms (Marginson 2007) and this, alongside a lack of clarity concerning the extent to which literacy in developing nations should be considered as a global public good, surely obscures the whole issue. It could be argued, for example, that if literacy (leading to greater educational achievement) is the obvious key which can unlock the door of sustainable and indigenous development and ultimate convergence, why relatively few coherent attempts have been made to either fund or drive the global policies more firmly? Sierra Leone provided some examples of these issues, where there is domestic government intent to improve, there is some international involvement and intervention and there are some local initiatives. But if we truly evaluate the extent to which, for example, UNESCO represents a true commitment to literacy, perhaps we should judge how effective 250 teachers, 2,500 learners and 30 community facilities stands against a nation with a population of approximately 6 million (World bank 2011), and with approximately 3 million children under the age of 18 (UNICEF 2010).
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